Регионы в современном мире: глобализация и Азия. Зарубежное регионоведение
Шрифт:
The proposed railway project is supposed to run from Tehran and join Iran’s east-west network leading west to Turkey and Eastern Europe. It is also expected to open a way to Europe by a developing rail route from the southern Iranian ports to Azerbaijan and Europe. Further linking with the Iran’s North-South Transport Corridor, this runs from Chabahar Port north to Azerbaijan. Towards the east, this links up with the also Chinese funded, low key Lapis Lazuli Corridor.
The rail project will extend from Tehran into Turkey and across the borders with the European Union. Additionally, Turkey is also being linked with rail freight lines running north through China and across Kazakhstan, to Baku in Azerbaijan. The Baku-Tbilisi-Kars Railway provides a direct link to Europe from China, via Turkey as it connects through a cross-Turkey. A high-speed rail service is being constructed by China, connecting Kars with Edirne, near Turkey’s border with Bulgaria and Greece. Bilateral trade between Turkey and China was recorded at US$26.3 billion in 2017. Turkey’s export to China was around US$3 billion while its imports from China exceeded US$23 billion.
China has extensively invested in Syria for developmental purpose. According to Ellis, this is
26
China’s Belt & Road Initiative In The Middle East. URL:(date of access: 5.12.2019).
China is a big investor in Israel and has plenty of opportunity in the market, in the fields including real estate, transportation, energy, telecommunications, and other infrastructure requirements. Its ports and trade routes to the Middle East make it a major gateway to Europe for the Middle East, which is beneficial for China. Projects in Saudi Arabia, and the other Arabian states include gas pipelines, to meet Chinese demand and also a better consistent energy network across the region.
In 2018 President Xi visited Saudi Arabia, Egypt, and Iran 27 , and released its first Arab Policy Paper to signal its intention of increased engagement in the Mideast. The paper outlined the “1+2+3” cooperation framework 28 . China is also trying to balance ties with Riyadh and Tehran, in March Beijing signed $65 billion worth of deals with Riyadh and aims to coordinate OBOR projects with Saudi Vision 2030, while in June China backed Iran’s admission to the China-led Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) and recently extended a $10 billion credit line for infrastructure projects. Iran is an important node of the OBOR by virtue of its geography linking Central Asia with South and West Asia, while Saudi Arabia is a leader of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) and also a key oil supplier 29 . With a planned Tripoli Special Economic Zone adjacent to the port, Tripoli could be a useful hub for Syria and enable China via the OBOR to play a constructive role in post-conflict reconstruction and stabilization efforts.
27
Chinese president back home after visits to Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Iran. URL: http:// en.people.cn/n3/2016/0124/c90883-9008539.html (date of access: 10.12.2019).
28
China in the Post-Hegemonic Middle East: A Wary Dragon? URL:(date of access: 9.12.2019).
29
The Belt and Road and China’s Long-term Visions in the Middle East. URL: http:// www.ispsw.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/10/512_Lin.pdf (date of access: 10.12.2019).
Conclusion
Hence, the study concludes that the ongoing regional security problems including terrorism, economic woes, and a need for immediate infrastructure, investment and trade, the OBOR initiative offers a quick economic aid. As China is becoming a more significant geopolitical actor in the Middle East, gradually the regional countries will become more dependent on Beijing for their trade and investment relations. China’s increasing economic soft power will in turn ease their dependency on the West and broaden their foreign policy options that may not always align with the United States and European Union interests. This would also reduce Western control over the region, additionally it increases regional countries’ freedom of action to diversify and engage with more economic partners. It would be beneficial if great powers including the Unites States, European Union, China, India, Russia and others also try to cooperate to jointly promote Middle East stability, security and prosperity.
References
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Ehteshami A. and Horesh N. China’s Presence in the Middle East: The Implications of the One Belt, One Road Initiative, 2019, Routledge. (in English)
Frans-Paul van der Putten et al eds. The Geopolitical Relevance of Piraeus and China’s New Silk Road for Southeast Europe and Turkey, Clingendael Report, 2016. P. 27. (in English)
Johny S. China’s long game in West Asia // The Hindu, 29 January 2016. (in English)
Lin C., The Belt and Road and China’s Long-term Visions in the Middle East, ISPSW Strategy Series: Focus on Defense and International Security, 2017. Vol. 512. P. 1–10. (in English)
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Значение Китайского проекта «Один пояс – один путь» для российской экономики
Китайский масштабный проект «Один пояс, один путь», анонсированный в 2013 году, представляет значительный интерес для России. Учитывая санкции, введенные западными странами, и дальнейшее укрепление торгово-экономических и политических отношений со странами Азиатско-Тихоокеанского региона, Россия и Китай укрепляют сотрудничество в рамках данной инициативы. Особенно актуальным и острым в связи с расхождением целей и интересов китайской и российской сторон является вопрос сопряжения проекта «Один пояс, один путь» и Евразийского экономического союза. Как показывает шестилетнии опыт реализации инициативы «Один пояс, один путь», реализация проекта идет не гладко и вызывает многочисленные нарекания в адрес Китая из-за навязывания интересов и условии кабалы другим странам, коррупционной составляющей проекта и его непрозрачности. Таким образом, отношение к проекту неоднозначное, и в этих условиях важно выстраивать отношения между Россией и Китаем оптимальным образом для взаимовыгодного сотрудничества. Целью исследования является анализ влияния китайского проекта «Один пояс, один путь» на российскую экономику. Предметом исследования является китайский проект «Один пояс, один путь». Автор приходит к выводу, что в настоящее время российское участие в проекте «Один пояс, один путь» имеет в основном потенциальные преимущества и возможности, а реальные результаты для российской экономики весьма незначительны.
Ключевые слова: Китай, экономика, Евразийский экономический союз, «Один пояс, один путь», Россия.
The Chinese large – scale project «One belt – one road» announced in 2013, is of significant interest to Russia. Taking into account the sanctions imposed by Western countries and the further strengthening of trade, economic and political relations with the countries of the Asia-Pacific region, Russia and China are strengthening cooperation within the framework of this initiative. Particularly relevant and acute due to the divergence of goals and interests of the Chinese and Russian sides is a question of interface of the project «One belt – one road» and the Eurasian Economic Union. As the six years’ experience of the «One belt – one road» initiative shows, the implementation of the «One belt – one road» project does not go smoothly and causes numerous criticism of China in imposing interests and conditions of bondage to other countries, the corruption component of the project and its opacity. Thus, the attitude to the project is ambiguous, and in these conditions, it is important to build relations between Russia and China in an optimal way for mutually beneficial cooperation. The aim of the study is to analyze the impact of the Chinese project «One belt – one road» on the Russian economy. The subject of the study is the Chinese project «One belt – one road». The author comes to the conclusion that at present the Russian participation in the project “One belt has mainly potential advantages and possibilities and real results for the Russian economy are very insignificant.