40 лет Санкт-Петербургской типологической школе
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There is another usage for the reflexive forms. In grammars, it is presented separately as an Aktionsart which expresses finality, exhaustiveness, apparently in all tenses:
Taltn kezl"o udzavs'is
today during work-REFL-PST-3RD
«For today, (we/you/they) have worked enough», «Enough work has been done» [Fedjunjova 1998: 32].
In Komi-Zyryan, a development seems to be taking place which is very natural, and possibly aided by areal influence: the genitive subject appears together with the — oma perfect, which is invariant, that is, impersonal. With transitive verbs, the object is either in the nominative or in the accusative. When nominative, the object can be called a subject, as in other languages which express their perfects with habere verbs:
Menam stavys das't"oma
I-GEN all-NOMDEF prepare-PERF-3 SG
«I have everything prepared».
The accusative object also produces a resulting state interpretation:
Menam stavs"o das't"oma
I-GEN all-ACC prepare-PERF-3SG
«I have everything prepared».
Note that the corresponding grammatical construction is found, though rarely, in the surrounding north Russian dialects, which use a locative possessor with accusative object and a past participle predicative form:
U bat'ki u tvoego sazeno berezku
at-father at-your planted-NEUTRE birch-ACC
«Your father has the/a birch planted, has planted the/a birch».
[Kuz'mina & Nemcenko 1971:93];
1995: 222–231].
While it is difficult, if not impossible, to decide whether any areal influence is at work here, we may note that in Komi, there is a construction with the genitive as an agent of participial attributive forms:
Starukal"on s'et"om sumkays
old.woman-GEN give-PRTC bag-NOMDEF
«the bag given by the old woman» [Bubrih 1949:128].
In present-day Komi, the genitive seems to have been replaced by the instrumental everywhere, but the former usage can be found in the texts of certain writers; it appeared in the spontaneous dialectal speech in the 1940s as well:
No menym okotamunny vorsny, k"ot'i mam"ol"on s'et"om
but I-DAT desire go-lNF play-iNF although mother-GEN give-PRTC
urk"ov"ojys ez esty
task-NOMDEF NEG-PST-3SG end
«But I want to go and play, although the task given by my mother was not finished» [Syij"anische Texte 1995:192].
In other non-finite verbal constructions as well, as in gerundials, the genitive may express the agent of the action [Fedjunjova 1998].
With certain verbs, the genitive expresses the non-active subject, as with the verbs byrny «to be finished», vunny «to be forgotten»: menam vun"oma I-GEN forget-PERF-3SG «I have forgotten» [Fedina 1997:10]. All these usages may have served as analogical basis for the possessive impersonal with — "oma. |
The bare impersonal form without any expression of the agent is nowadays very common, possibly influenced by the literary Russian past passive predicates with — no/- to[M. S. Fedina, paper presented at the International Congress of MAPRIJAL, June 1998, Syktyvkar].
The newness of the Komi possessive impersonal construction can only be presumed, since there is no mention of them in old grammars and descriptions. Perhaps accidentally, there seem to be no examples in the folkloric texts available, which represent the state of the language at the beginning of the XXth century. In the Komi prose of the 1930s, the construction becomes more common in the texts of individual writers. Earlier grammars written by native linguists do not mention it, except the grammar of 1949 by D. V. Bubrih. He gives examples of the 2nd past (=perfect) transitive and reflexive verbs and translates them by using the north Russian impersonal constructions with passive participial predicates:
Murtsa abu kuvs'"oma
almost not die-REFL-PERF-3 SG
«(I) almost died».
«Edva ne bylo umerto».
Menam om"ol'ys' abu pol"oma
I-GEN evil-ELAT not fear-PERF-3SG
«I was not afraid of evil».
«U menja dumogo ne boeno».
Mens'ym vok"os vi"oma
I-ELAT brother-ACCPOSS 1 SG kill-PERF-3SG
«My brother was killed».
«Moego brata ubito».
Jegorl"on abun'in etsa c'uk"ort"oma emburs"o
Iegor-GEN not already little gather-PERF-3SG riches-ACC
«U Egora uze ne malo sobrano dobra».
«Yegor has already gathered not a little riches» [Bubrih 1949:124–125].
The new Komi grammar lists the uses of the genitive agent as follows:
1) a real active subject:
a) in an attributive construction with the participial form:
<…> jenmysl"on s'et"om mic'a da s"ost"om v"or-va
God-NOMDEF-GEN give-PRTC beautiful and clean nature
«the beautiful and clean nature given by God».
b) with the perfect:
"O'itort"o kykys' suny Jakovl"on abu
one-ACCDEF twice say-lNF Jakov-GEN not
velal"oma…
get-accustomed-PERF-3SG
«Yakov was not used to saying one thing twice».
2) a passive subject: someone does something because of being told to do so, or someone is in a state:
a) with verbs of passive meaning ( vunny «be-forgotten», byrny «be finished», mynny «pass (about time)», artmyny «come out (of state)», vosny «vanish, be lost» etc.
No tajo istog vylo On'dlon vosi stav nad'ejays
but this match upon Andrej-GEN be-lost-PST-3SG all hope-NOMDEF