Африка. История и историки

Коллектив авторов

4. The ANC since exile: 1990 to the present

Te most detailed study of the ANC’s years in power is now to be found in the book published in 2011 by Susan Booysen of Wits University, and as the centenary year drew to a close, she contributed a shorter version to the volume that Wits University Press published on «100 Years of the ANC» [758] . As she says herself, her book is «more of a reference book than a casual night time read» [759] , and not being a historian, her study lacks the necessary chronology that a historical study would provide. Te way she jumps from one period to another is ofen disconcerting, while she is not able to rest her account on the kind of archival evidence that historians use for earlier decades in the history of the ANC [760] . She shows how the ANC had, post 1994, both to consolidate its power and adopt new methods to retain power, and suggests that, for all its adeptness at reinventing itself, the ANC is now in decline, though of course she does not enjoy the perspective to be certain of this. Why the ANC remains dominant in our political system, Booysen explains by pointing to the its liberation credentials, claiming that people are not yet ready to vote for another party, and explaining that in recent elections many eligible voters have abstained from voting. She investigates what she calls the «multiple faces» (Chapter 3) of the ANC’s power, including cadre deployment, the use of state institutions, foor-crossing (Chapter 7) and the presidency (especially Chapter 11). In a chapter entitled

«ANC and State Power», she analyses the scramble for resources, summed up by the phrase «it is our turn to drink at the trough». She shows how it has become increasingly difcult to separate the ANC from the state, and how people in the ANC have increasingly used state institutions for their own political and personal purposes [761] . In 2012 Martin Plaut, the Africa editor at the BBC, and Paul Holden, who has done much to reveal the scandal of the Arms Deal [762] , teamed up to write «Who Rules South Africa?», a much broader and more readable account than Booysen’s, and one which has the additional merit of being more directly focused than Booysen’s book on the ANC as part of the tripartite alliance, for they argue that power does not reside in Parliament or even the Cabinet, but with the alliance, a loose structure with no constitution linked to business and criminal elements [763] .

758

Booysen S. Te African National Congress and the Regeneration of Political Power. People, Party, Policy. Johannesburg, 2011; Regeneration of ANC Political Power, from the 1994 Electoral Victory to the 2012 Centenary // One Hundred Years of the ANC Liberation Histories and Democracy Today / eds. A. Lissoni, J. Soske, N. Erlank, N. Niefagodien and O. Badsha. Johannesburg, 2012.

759

http://witspress.bookslive.co.za/blog/2012/01/06/susan-booysen-explores-the-ancs-power-quest-and-17-years-of-governance/. Her book includes numerous tables that break up the text and make it difcult to read, nine in chapter 2, 14 in chapter 3

760

There is a twenty-year rule for access to archives in South Africa. We still await a general history of, say, the Mandela presidency. Te work that began on a continuation of his Long Walk to Freedom was not completed, and Jakes Gerwel, the Director-General in the Presidency in the Mandela years, has not yet published his memoirs.

761

Frank Chikane’s «Eight Days in September» (Johannesburg, 2012) tells the story, by the Director-General of the Presidency under Mbeki, of Mbeki’s ouster by his own party in 2008 in detail.

762

Holden P. Te Arms Deal in Your Pocket. Johannesburg, 2008; Holden P., Van Vuuren H. Te Devil in the Detail. Johannesburg, 2011.

763

Plaut M., Holden P. Who Rules South Africa? Pulling the Strings in the Battle for Power. Johannesburg, 2012.

5. What is needed…

While the new works produced during the centenary year have added to the now vast literature on the ANC [764] , there remains much to be learnt. We can agree with Philip Bonner that «the 100 year history of the ANC represents both a treasure trove of extraordinary episodes, magnetic personalities and instructive moments, as well as a Pandora’s box out of which something uncomfortable or unsettling is always likely to emerge» [765] . Much of what emerged from within the ANC during the struggle was, hardly surprisingly, partisan, polemical and propagandistic, designed to help promote the ANC in that struggle, while since the advent of formal democracy some writing on the ANC has continued in the same vein, glorifying the ANC’s role, while others, disillusioned with the ANC, have instead emphasized negative aspects of the story [766] . What is needed now is a balanced look at the entire history of the ANC over the century, exploring continuities and discontinuities. Only one short attempt was made to do that during the centenary [767] .

764

Tere are now a dozen biographies of Nelson Mandela, while more than twenty of his close colleagues have written memoirs. Mandela’s «Long Walk to Freedom» (London, 1994) was preceded by the autobiography of Albert Luthuli (1962) and, for example, Ronald Kasrils’ «Armed and Dangerous: my undercover struggle against apartheid» (Oxford, 1993), and was followed by many others, including those by Rusty Bernstein, Ahmad Kathrada, Jean Middleton, Jay Naidoo, James Ngculu, Archie Sibeko, Ray Simons, Raymond Suttner and Ben Turok. Among the many biographies of leading fgures in the ANC are those of Peter Brown (Michael Cardo), Albert Luthuli (Scott Couper), Mac Maharaj (Padraig McNally), Trevor Manuel (Pippa Green), Tabo Mbeki (Mark Gevisser), Cyril Ramaphosa (Anthony Butler), Walter and Albertina Sisulu (Eleanor Sisulu), O. R. Tambo (Luli Callinicos), Desmond Tutu (John Allen), Alfred Xuma (Steven Gish) and Jacob Zuma (Jeremy Gordin).

765

Bonner P.Fragmentation and Cohesion in the ANC, the First 70 Years (paper presented at Wits University, September 2011). URL: http://www.sahistory.org.za/sites/default/fles/Philip_Bonner_Paper.pdf

766

Especially see: Trewhela P. Inside Quatro, Uncovering the Exile History of the ANC and SWAPO. Auckland Park, 2009.

767

Suttner R. Te African National Congress Centenary: a long and difcult journey // International Afairs. 2012. Vol. 88. No. 4. P. 719–738.

In his short history of the ANC, published over a decade ago in 2000, Saul Dubow expressed surprise «that no reliable, unpartisan and well researched general history of the ANC from its foundation to the present exists», and this remains the case [768] . Te very complexity of the relationship between the history of the ANC and that of the broader liberation movement may help explain in part why we still lack such a history. Te «brief history of the African National Congress» on the ANC’s own website does not focus throughout on the ANC as an organization, but includes, say, Black Consciousness, the Soweto uprising and the Township revolt of the mid 1980s, without explaining the relationship between other movements and events to the ANC. [769] For the ANC was not always the most important resistance movement against segregation and apartheid: it was eclipsed by ICU in the 1920s; the All African Convention from the mid-1930s; the newly formed Pan Africanist Congress (PAC) in late 1959/early 1960; the Black Consciousness Movement (BCM) in the 1970s; and the UDF in the 1980s. While, as we have noted, the UDF had links to the exiled ANC, neither the UDF nor the ANC was responsible for the bulk of the internal resistance of the 1980s [770] . Dubow warned against a teleological approach that saw the ANC as always in the vanguard of the struggle, and therefore necessarily the leading player in the transition to democracy [771] . Nor, within the Southern African region, was it always the most successful liberation movement. Its links to other liberation movements in the region remain largely unexplored. And its years in power, during which the fragmentation noticeable in its early years [772] increased, will require continuing analysis as the ANC’s position changes in the future.

768

Dubow S. Te African National Congress. Jeppestown, 2000. P. XI. For a recent short survey see: Suttner R. Op. cit.

769

See: www.anc.org.za (accessed November 2012). It begins:

«Our struggle for freedom has a long history. It goes back to the days when the African people fought spear in hand against the British and Boer colonisers». It then has a section entitled «the African kingdoms are defeated 1860s – 1900», before it reaches «Te ANC is formed – 1912». Ten follow sections entitled «Working for a Wage»; «Te ANC Gains New Life – 1940s»; «A Mass Movement is Born – 1950»; «Te Armed Struggle Begins – 1960s»; «Workers and Students Fight Back – 1970s»; «Te Struggle for People`s Power – 1980s»; and, fnally, «Te ANC is Unbanned». Te last two sentences of this brief history merely read as follows: «On the 10th of May 1994 Nelson Mandela was inaugurated as the President of South Africa. Te ANC has been in power ever since».

770

On negative aspects see esp.: Trewhela P. Op. cit. For the argument that the ANC was behind the internal resistance of the 1980s see especially: Mbeki G. Sunset at Midday. Braamfontein, 1996.

771

Dubow S. Op. cit. P. XIV.

772

Cf.: Bonner P. Op. cit.

Celestin Razafimbelo. Madagascar, cinquante ans d’independance

Introduction

La colonisation francaise a dure soixante-cinq ans. Qu’elle soit mal percue et considere comme une partie sombre de l’histoire de Madagascar, rien de plus normal: un asservissement a l’autorit'e des colonisateurs, un pillage des richesses nationales, un blocage des initiatives et de toute promotion des individualit'es, la grande frustration d’^etre d'epouill'e de ses droits dans son propre pays. Bref, dans la repr'esentation de ce que le commun des Malgaches se fait de la colonisation, il s’agit d’un temps d’arr^et dans la marche vers le progr`es social et 'economique. Durant la p'eriode coloniale, cette vision se trouve amplif'ee par le succ`es que rencontrent les id'eologies de gauche parmi les rares intellectuels: id'eologie de lib'eration, d’'emancipation mais aussi de progr`es afrmant que l’ind'ependance ouvrait la porte vers la prosp'erit'e. Autour de cette probl'ematique s’est tiss'ee la nation malgache, une et indivisible dans l’avenir, comme c’'etait le cas, devant la colonisation.

Chez certains groupes politiques, on appr'ehendait le retour de l’h'eg'emonie merina, une fois l’ind'ependance acquise: la marche de l’histoire aura montr'e que le probl`eme r'esidait ailleurs. Apr`es les cinquante ann'ees d’ind'ependance, la grande ^ile est toujours `a la recherche d’une voie vers la stabilit'e politique et le d'eveloppement.

1. Philibert tsiranana et la Premi`ere R'epublique

1.1. Une transition vers l’Ind'ependance

Madagascar a connu durant la colonisation plusieurs sursauts de nationalisme dont l’insurrection de 1947 repr'esente le temps fort. Apr`es, ni la r'epression politique, ni la suppression du parti MDRM, ni l’entretien d’une client`ele politique favorable `a l’ordre colonial n’auront pas arr^et'e la marche de l’histoire. Le peuple malgache, consult'e lors du r'ef'erendum du 28 septembre 1958, choisit l’autod'etermination au sein de la Communaut'e en votant «oui». Philibert Tsiranana concr'etise sa volont'e d’acc'eder `a l’ind'ependance en faisant adopter par le Congr`es des As-sembl'ees provinciales la formation d’un 'etat r'epublicain le 14 octobre 1958. La R'epublique malgache est proclam'ee. Il s’ensuit la mise en place d’un gouvernement provisoire et d’une Assembl'ee Constituante. Madagascar a son drapeau (16 octobre 1958), son hymne national (27 avril 1959). Philibert Tsiranana, `a la t^ete d’une d'el'egation malgache, n'egocie pour acc'eder `a une ind'ependance efective (f'evrier – avril 1960). Le g'en'eral de Gaulle y est largement favorable. Le 9 avril 1960, la d'el'egation revient au pays en rapportant l’ind'ependance. Ainsi, Philibert Tsiranana, devient le «P`ere de l’Ind'ependance».

Le 26 juin 1960, l’ind'ependance est solennellement proclam'ee `a Mahamasina. La jeune R'epublique malgache est dot'ee d’une constitution et d’une organisation administrative, centralisatrice, s’inspirant de l’exemple francais. Philibert Tsiranana, dont «le premier souci est l’unit'e nationale», veille `a pr'eserver l’image de rassembleur et de ray aman– dreny [773] . Ainsi il ram`ene avec lui de l’exil ses anciens adversaires politiques, les trois d'eput'es de 1947, Ravoahangy, Raseta et Rabemananjara, le 19 juillet 1960. Il obtient le ralliement de nombreux ex-MDRM (dont Ravoahangy et Rabemananjara) et, sans difcult'es, son parti, le Parti Social D'emocrate (PSD) prend une assise nationale et gagne les premi`eres 'elections des d'eput'es pour l’Assembl'ee nationale (104 si`eges sur 107).

773

P`ere et m`ere (litt), parents.

Le deuxi`eme souci du «P`ere de l’Ind'ependance» est de conserver les bonnes relations avec la France. Les accords de coop'eration, paraph'es en avril, sont sign'es le 27 juin 1960. Ils touchent plusieurs domaines: politique 'etrang`ere, d'efense, politique mon'etaire, 'economie et fnances, justice, enseignement, transport, t'el'ecommunication. Force est de reconna^itre qu’ils ont eu une r'esultante positive et sont `a l’origine de cette prosp'erit'e, toute relative certes, de la premi`ere R'epublique. Certains domaines seront d'ecri'es, d'enonc'es par l’opposition: la pr'esence militaire de l’ancienne m'etropole, l’'education soupconn'ee d’imp'erialisme culturel, la politique mon'etaire, 'economique et fnanci`ere…

Ce qui est `a l’origine du troisi`eme souci du pr'esident Philibert Tsiranana: la lutte contre le communisme russe et chinois. Argument de poids pour diaboliser les deux partis d’opposition: le MONIMA (Mouvement National pour l’Ind'ependance de Madagascar) de Monja Jaona et l’AKFM ( Antokon’ny Kongresin’ny Fahaleovantenan’i Madagascar)du pasteur Richard Andriamanjato, maire de Tananarive.

Les hautes fonctions administratives furent progressivement occup'ees par des Malgaches, form'es suivant les traditions centralisatrices, tatillonnes et rigoureuses du syst`eme francais: ce qui contribue `a l’efcacit'e certaine de l’administration de la premi`ere R'epublique.

1.2. Le socialisme malgache de Philibert Tsiranana

Ayant 'et'e membre de la SFIO, Tsiranana cr'ea un parti, le Parti Social D'emocrate (PSD), militant pour «un socialisme pratique et humain» qui travaillera «sans se pr'eoccuper des grandes th'eories souvent d'epass'ees par les 'ev`enements». Il n’aime pas les grands discours: pour lui il faut agir, et travailler sans les longues discussions qui se font souvent dans les partis politiques: « Asa fa tsy kabary» [774] . Avec la France, le parti garde des relations privil'egi'ees et ne touche ni aux entreprises, ni aux propri'et'es coloniales qui maintiennent la mainmise sur l’'economie. Le socialisme se cantonne `a une promotion (sans beaucoup de r'esultats) du mouvement coop'eratif. Quelques tentatives pour lancer des fermes d’'Etat furent r'ealis'ees. Les restes du FIDES avaient permis de fnancer les travaux au ras du sol dont l’impact sur la population 'etait palpable.

774

Du travail et non des discours.